Government of Macedonia
- System of Government
- The Holder of executive power
- Constitutional Competencies
- Functioning of the Government
The new structure and organization of authority in the Republic of Macedonia have been based on the principle of strict division of the functions and holders of legislative, executive and judicial powers. This principle began to be applied in practice with the adoption of the new Constitution, with which the progress also began of establishing and building the rule of law as the fundamental system of government.
In the years of multiparty and parliamentary democracy, Macedonia has experienced two governments. The first one, constituted after the elections and called an expert government, was in fact a transitional government because it had no parliamentary or political majority.
The Government formed in 1992 is the first Macedonian classical government. For the first time in the history of the Macedonian Assembly, there is a ruling majority and an opposition. This is an entirely new experience for the Macedonian citizens and public.
The new Macedonian Constitution follows the concept of a government which in European and world political history is described as democratic, responsible and competent authority.
"Executive power is vested in the Government of the Republic of Macedonia."
"The Government exercises its rights and competence on the basics and within the framework of the Constitution and law."
The Government is composed of a prime minister and ministers. They cannot be Representatives in the Assembly.
The Government of the Republic of Macedonia determines the policy of carrying out the laws and other regulations of the Assembly and is responsible for their execution: proposes laws, the Budget of the Republic and other regulations adopted by the Assembly; proposes a spatial plan of the Republic; proposes decisions concerning the reserves of the Republic and sees to their execution; adopts bylaws and other acts for the execution of laws; lays down principles on the internal organization and work of the Ministries and other administrative bodies, directing and supervising their work; provides appraisals of drafts of laws and other acts submitted to the Assembly by other authorized bodies; decides on the recognition of states and governments; establishes diplomatic and consular offices abroad; proposes the appointment of ambassadors and representatives of the Republic of Macedonia abroad and appoints chiefs of consular offices; proposes the Public Prosecutor; appoints and dismisses holders of public and other offices determined by the Constitution and law, and performs other duties determined by the Constitution and law.
The Government is independent, but in accordance with the principles of parliamentary democracy, it is also accountable to the Assembly. The Macedonian Constitution, being a modern and democratic act, provides such a mechanism of political control. The assembly may take a vote of no-confidence in the Government. A vote of no-confidence in the Government may be initiated by a minimum of 20 Representatives. A vote of no-confidence in the Government is adopted by a majority of all Representatives. If a vote of no-confidence in the Government is passed, the Government is obliged to submit its resignation.
Since proclaiming its independence Macedonia has had experience of three governments. The first government, headed by Mr Nikola Kljusev, achieved monetary independence for Macedonia and during his mandate the Yugoslav army withdrew from the country. This government assumed responsibility for the protection of Macedonia's international borders and it also prepared an anti-inflation programme which had positive effects for some time.
Branko Crvenkovski's government, elected in September 1992 has several basics characteristics. Firstly, with the creation of a parliamentary majority, the political parties participating in it with ministers have for the first time managed to exercised direct power. Secondly, also participating in the coalition is PDP, the largest party of the albanians in the Republic of Macedonia, which has thus moved from a position of criticism to bearing direct responsibility for the exercise of power. And thirdly, all the political partners want the government to operate as a stable cabinet, while all of them would reserve the right to programmatic differences.
The government has dealt mainly with economic questions. Fluctuating success in the struggle against inflation in 1993 resulted in the Programme of Economic Stabilization. Thus the zone of hyperinflation has been avoided. The government has successfully completed negotiations with the IMF, IBRD, EBRD, the Paris Club and the Zurich Group. Favorable financial agreements have been concluded which support the stabilization programme, repayment of foreign debts and the stabilization of the foreign balance of payments.
Economic issues dominated its 150 regular sessions from the its formation until December 1993. Some 2.000 questions in these areas were discussed. About 1.000 questions concerning the political system and foreign policy were dealt with, while the number of those covering social matters about 350. During the same period, the government discussed and proposed about 400 draft acts to the Assembly for adoption. At the same time it analyzed and adopted about 100 programmes in various fields and discussed a large number of reports, briefings and other issues within the scope of its constitutional competencies. Answers in writing to about 200 Representatives questions were given, as well as about 250 statements of opinion which were requested by the Assembly.
The efforts of the coalition government have been concentrated on the preparation of a comprehensive programme of economic stabilization. The Programme was supported by the IMF and other international financial institutions, but it was of a predominantly restrictive character. Less than a year before the elections this was certainly an unpopular move, but the Government decided to proceed with it. The programme was considered part of its responsibility during Macedonia's transition, because hyperinflation would have definitely eroded the normative democratic premises of both the social and political structure of the state.